A  VIEW 


j 

OP  THE  Xy 

PUBLIC  EXPENSES 

OF  THE 

COMMONWEALTH  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

AND 

THE  OBJECTS  FOR  WHICH  THEY  HAYE  BEEN  INCURRED; 

WITH 

A  COMPARISON  OF  THEIR  AMOUNT 

.t 

AT 

DIFFERENT  PERIODS. 


PUBLISHED  BY  ORDER  OF  THE  WHIG  STATE  CENTRAL  COMMITTEE. 

October,  1841. 


WJj 76  v 


Read  this  Pamphlet  carefully, 
and  lend  it  to  your  neighbors. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


One  of  the  first  duties  of  rulers  is,  to  administer  government  with  economy. 
We  may  lay  it  down  as  a  maxim,  disturbed  by  few  exceptions,  that  our  rulers  are 
wise  and  patriotic,  and  that  the  government  answers  the  end  of  its  creation,  just 
in  proportion  to  the  economy  which  is  observed.  But  true  economy  does  not  con¬ 
sist  in  refraining  from  expenditures.  It  ic  with  government  as  with  individuals, 
they  may  be  too  parsimonious  for  their  own  interest  ;  they  may  carry  their  re¬ 
trenchment  so  far,  as  to  defeat  their  own  object,  and  so  convert  what  they  denom¬ 
inate  economy  into  wastefulness. 

In  order  to  determine  whether  any  administration  observes  due  economy  in  ad¬ 
ministering  the  government,  we  are  not  to  look  at  the  sums  expended,  so  much  as 
to  the  objects  for  which  the  expenditures  are  made.  Government  may  defeat  the 
object  of  its  institution,  by  expending  too  little,  as  well  as  too  much  ;  and  may  op¬ 
press  the  people  by  parsimony,  as  well  as  by  extravagance.  We  hear  much  at 
the  present  day  of  the  extravagance  of  our  own  State  government,  and  of  the  vast 
amount  of  money  which  is  annually  expended  in  this  Commonwealth.  We  re¬ 
joice  that  public  attention  is  turned  to  this  subject.  It  shows  a  watchfulness 
which  augurs  well  for  the  perpetuity  of  our  free  institutions.  But  the  very  fact, 
that  this  subject  is  important,  and  that  it  lies  near  the  hearts  of  the  people,  should 
teach  us  one  important  lesson,  viz  : — that  to  this  point  the  ambitious  and  aspiring 
will  always  direct  their  attention.  Here  they  will  ply  their  arts  ;  and  by  pretend¬ 
ing  to  be  the  great  advocates  for  economy,  and  the  exclusive  friends  of  the  people, 
they  hope  that  they  may  hide  their  own  ambitious  and  selfish  objects,  and  so  be 
borne  into  power  by  the  very  people  they  are  laboring  to  deceive. 

We  would  not  create  any  undue  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  people  ;  but  they 
should  be  reminded  that,  as  the  great  enemy  of  man  succeeds  only  by  transform¬ 
ing  himself  into  an  angel  of  light,  so  every  ambitious  demagogue  must  found  all  his 
hopes  of  success,  in  deceiving  the  people,  upon  passing  himself  off  as  their  pecul¬ 
iar  friend.  The  intelligent  freemen  of  this  Commonwealth,  will,  therefore,  look 
at  the  pretensions  of  all  those  who  are  before  the  people  for  their  suffrages  ;  nay, 
they  will  look  beyond  their  pretensions,  to  their  characters,  to  the  course  they 
have  pursued,  and  the  policy  they  have  adopted,  when  they  have  been  in  power. 
Now  who  are  those  that  have  arraigned  the  rulers  of  this  Commonwealth,  and 
have  attempted  to  hold  them  up  as- unfaithful  to  their  trust,  and  wasteful  of  the 
people’s  money  ?  They  are  the  self-styled  democrats — the  party  whose  profligacy 
in  the  administration  of  our  national  government,  had  become  so  notorious,  that 
an  injured  and  indignant  people  rose  in  the  majesty  of  their  strength,  and  thrust 
them  from  the  places  they  had  prostituted  to  their  own  individual  aggrandize¬ 
ment  ;  a  party,  which,  under  their  late  leader,  Martin  Van  Buren,  expended  in  the 
space  of  four  short  years,  more  than  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  over  and  above 
the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  government,  and  then  left  the  government  many  mil¬ 
lions  in  debt.— The  supporters  of  such  an  administration  are  the  men,  who  are 
now  preaching  up  economy,  and  telling  the  people  of  this  Commonwealth,  that  if 
they  can  come  into  power,  they  will  administer  the  State  government  on  econom¬ 
ical  principles  ! 

Since  the  party,  condemned  by  the  nation  as  prodigal  and  unworthy  of  trust,  are 
attempting  to  raise  themselves  to  power  in  this  State,  by  professing  the  very  vir¬ 
tue  here,  of  which  they  have  been  foppd  destitute  elsewhere  ;  and  as  they  dwell  up- 

|ior>044 


4 


on  the  expenses  of  this  State  with  great  particularity,  we  propose  in  this  docu¬ 
ment,  to  lay  before  the  people  such  facts,  all  drawn  from  official  sources,  as  will 
enable  them  to  judge  correctly  in  the  premises. 

STATE  EXPENSES. 

It  is  but  justice  to  say  that  the  annual  expenditures  of  Massachusetts  are  great¬ 
er  than  those  of  many  other  States,  taking  population  as  the  basis.  But  this  arises 
from  the  different  organization  of  our  institutions.  We  pay  from  the  public  treas¬ 
ury,  what  in  many  other  States  is  paid  by  the  counties,  or  towns,  or  by  the  people 
in  the  shape  of  fees.  This,  and  not  the  extravagance  of  the  government,  is  the 
cause  of  our  large  expenditures.  The  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government  for 
the  year  ending  December  31,  1840,  were  $415,848.  Now  more  than  one  third 
of  this  sum  is  made  up  of  three  items,  which  are  peculiar  in  this  Commonwealth, 
viz  :  County  balances,  State  paupers,  and  Militia  services.  The  county  balances 
arise  from  the  cost  of  criminal  justice  in  the  several  counties.  This  is  an  expen¬ 
diture  which  is  paid  in  most,  if  not  in  all  the  States,  by  the  counties.  This  item 
for  the  three  last  years  amounts  on  an  average,  to  $66,876  annually.  The  sum 
paid  for  the  support  of  State  paupers— that  is,  for  foreigners  and  others,  who  have 
no  legal  settlement  within  the  Commonwealth,  forms  another  large  item  in  our  ex¬ 
penditures.  This  item  alone  has  amounted  in  some  years  to  nearly  $80,000,  and 
during  last  year  to  more  than  $45,800.  The  bounty  paid  to  the  militia  is  also  pe¬ 
culiar  to  our  State— and  provision  is  made  by  law  for  the  payment  of  $35,000  an¬ 
nually  for  that  object,  and  more  than  $30,000  has  been  paid  in  a  single  year. 

Take  these  three  items,  County  balances,  $66,876 

State  paupers,  45,800 

Militia  bounty,  30,000 


$142,676 

and  we  have  a  sum  of  $142,000,  which  constitutes  more  than  one-third  of  the  ex¬ 
penses  of  the  last  year. 

Are  these  expenses  unreasonable  ?  We  are  not  aware  that  any  one  maintains 
that  they  are  so.  Do  those  who  complain  of  our  State  expenses,  wish  to  have 
these  charges  taken  from  the  State,  and  put  upon  the  counties  or  towns  ?  They 
do  not.— When  an  attempt  was  made  last  year  to  put  a  part  of  the  county  balances 
upon  the  counties,  in  the  hope  that  it  might  induce  greater  economy,  the  very  men 
who  cry  out  against  our  State  expenses,  did  all  they  could  to  defeat  it,  and  they 
make  it  a  subject  of  complaint  that  one  third  of  this  sum  has  been  put  upon  the 
counties.  And  how  is  it  with  the  expense  of  State  paupers  ?  Do  they  desire  to 
relieve  the  State  Treasury,  by  throwing  this  burden  upon  the  counties  or  towns  ? 
They  do  not.  Governor  Morton,  in  his  Address  to  the  Legislature,  declares  that 
this  is  “  a  proper  charge  to  the  Commonwealth,  and  any  attempt  to  avoid  it  by 
transferring  the  expense  to  towns,  will  not  dimmish  the  public  burdens,  but  .will 
throw  them  upon  those  who  ought  not  to  bear  them.”  And  as  to  the  militia  boun¬ 
ty,  the  thirty-five  thousand  dollars  paid  by  the  State— it  was  expressly  recom¬ 
mended  by  Gov.  Morton. 

From  this  brief  view  of  the  subject,  it  will  be  seen  that  more  than  one  third  of 
our  whole  expenditures  arise  from  three  great  items,  not  made  a  subject  of  State 
charge  in  other  States;  and  that  those  who  complain  of  our  expenses  are  unwil¬ 
ling  that  we  should  transfer  the  whole  or  any  part  of  this  expense  to  the  counties 
or  towns.  This  fact  alone  will  show  the  sincerity  of  those  who  complain  that  our 
State  expenses  are  too  great. 

THE  CHARACTER  OF  OFIR  STATE  EXPENSES. 

We  have  shown,  under  the  preceding  head,  that  it  has  been  the  policy  of  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  to  pay  that  from  the  State  Treasury,  which  in  other  States  is  paid  by 
the  towns  and  counties  Many  other  expenses  are  annually  incurred  in  this 

T 


5 


State,  which  make  no  part  of  the  expenses  of  most  other  States.  While  in  the 
other  States  every  militia  man  “  goeth  a  warfare  at  his  own  charges,”  we  pay  our 
militia  thirty  thousand  dollars  annually.  There  are  other  items,  less  in  themselves, 
*  but  equally  important  in  their  character.  To  encourage  agriculture,  a  bounty  has 
been  paid  upon  wheat  and  silk — and  a  considerable  sum  has  been  paid  to  agricul¬ 
tural  societies.  These  items,  during  the  last  year  amounted  to  $16,947,  includ¬ 
ing  the  salary  of  the  Agricultural  Commissioner.  No  man  who  has  the  good  of 
1  the  Country  at  heart,  will  grudge  this  sum  to  the  hardy  yeomanry,  who  constitute 
the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  State  ;  especially  when  it  is  given  to  encourage  agricul¬ 
ture,  a  calling  at  once  the  most  honorable  and  the  most  important  to  the  Country. 

We  support  a  larger  number  of  public  charities  than  the  other  States.  The 
sum  paid  last  year  for  the  current  expenses  of  the  Lunatic  Hospital  at  Worces¬ 


ter,  was  $3,200 

For  the  support  and  instruction  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  1,873 

For  the  support  and  instruction  of  the  Blind  9,213 

For  the  Eye  and  Ear  Infirmary  2,000 

For  Pensions  for  old  and  wounded  soldiers  1,715 

For  preparing  rolls  for  United  States  Pensioners  371 


$18,372 

Here  we  have  the  round  sum  of  eighteen  thousand  dollars  to  aid  the  poor  and 
unfortunate.  And  where  is  the  man  who  desires  that  these  items  should  be  struck 
from  our  State  expenses?  Take  the  Lunatic  Hospital;  it  is  a  noble  institution, 
and  one  which  reflects  the  highest  honor  on  the  State.  Go  to  that  institution  and 
see  its  inmates,  comparatively  comfortable  and  happy — and  compare  the  present 
situation  of  some  of  them,  with  their  condition  in  a  felon’s  prison,  where  they  had 
f  lain  in  filth  and  wretchedness  for  ten  or  twenty  years,  before  the  Hospital  was 
erected, — and  then  ask  yourselves  whether  you  grudge  the  small  sum  of  $3,200. 
In  fact,  when  we  consider  that  hundreds  of  our  fellow  beings,  laboring  under  that 
dreadful  malady,  have  left  this  institution  “clothed  in  their  right  mind” — and  that 
hundreds  of  others  have  been  materially  relieved,  we  venture  to  say  that  no  man, 
unless  he  be  a  fit  subject  for  that  institution,  will  dare  to  raise  his  voice  against  it, 
or  the  expenditure  necessary  to  sustain  it. 

Similar  remarks  might  be- made  upon  the  appropriation  for  the  Deaf,  the  Dumb, 
and  the  Blind.  The  man  who  complains  of  the  expense  incurred  to  relieve  and 
'  educate  these  unfortunate  classes  of  our  fellow  beings,  must  be  deaf  to  the  voice  of 
humanity,  and  blind  to  the  best  interest  of  the  community.  Where  is  the  man, 
who  has  one  spark  of  patriotism,  who  will  complain  of  the  small  pitance  paid  to 
wounded  soldiers,  or  the  widows  of  those  who  fought  the  battles  of  the  revolution  ? 

Another  item  in  the  expenditures  of  last  year  was  $5,000  paid  to  the  Massachu¬ 
setts  Humane  Society  for  Life  Boats  to  be  stationed  along  the  coast,  to  save  the 
passengers  and  crews  of  vessels  which  meet  with  disasters,  or  are  driven  ashore  in 
gales.  \  When  we  reflect  upon  the  number  of  lives  which  are  lost  upon  our  extend¬ 
ed  coast,  we  shall  not,  if  we  are  men,  grudge  this  sum,  or  censure  our  rulers  for 
their  humanity.  There  was  paid  during  the  last  year  $1920  for  expenses  incurred 
in  arresting  and  bringing  into  the  Commonwealth  fugitives  from  justice,  arresting 
counterfeiters,  &c.  This  policy  of  the  State  is  a  terror  to  evil-doers  and  conse¬ 
quently  a  protection  to  every  citizen.  The  sum  of  $2,674  was  expended  last  year 
for  the  purchase  of  the  Term  Reports.  These  Reports  of  Cases  decided  by  the  Su¬ 
preme  Court  were  sent  to  the  clerks  of  the  several  towns  in  the  State,  thereby  en¬ 
abling  every  citizen  to  obtain,  free  of  expense,  information  which  would  have  cost 
him  several  dollars,  if  he  had  consulted  a  lawyer. 

The  sum  of  $4,455  was  paid  to  the  Bank  Commissioners — a  Board  whose  duty 
it  is  to  examine  into  the  doings  of  all  the  banks  in  the  State,  and  to  correct  all 
abuses  which  they  may  discover.  Every  man  who  knows  the  value  of  a  sound 
currency,  will  regard  this  as  a  wise  expenditure.  Another  considerable  item  is 


6 


that  of  State  printing,  which  amounted  last  year  to  $10,889.  This  expenditure  is 
purely  democratic  in  its  character.  The  accountability  of  rulers  is  one  of  the  first 
principles  of  a  republican  government;  and  nothing  contributes  more  to  the  diffu¬ 
sion  of  knowledge,  and  to  the  fidelity  of  rulers,  than  the  publication  of  their  acts 
and  doings.  This  printing  includes  a  great  variety  of  items.  The  School  Ab¬ 
stract ,  giving  the  most  perfect  statement  of  the  condition  of  our  free  schools — 
the  Bank  Abstract ,  exhibiting  the  condition  of  our  monetary  institutions— the  Ab- 
stract  of  the  Savings  Banks — those  institutions  designed  for  the  benefit  of  the 
poor — these  are  a  few  of  the  items  which  are  included  in  the  public  printing. 
The  very  facts  which  we  have  presented  in  this  paper,  are  known  to  the  public 
only  through  the  medium  of  the  published  Reports  of  the  Treasurer. 

These  are  a  specimen  of  the  miscellaneous  expenditures  of  the  Common  wealth, 
and  every  one  must  see  that  they  are  of  such  a  character  as  will  commend  them  to 
the  benevolent  and  patriotic  feelings  of  the  whole  community.  They  are  purely 
republican  in  their  nature,  and  are  calculated  to  benefit  the  poor  and  unfortunate, 
at  the  expense  of  the  rich.  These  expenditures  are  wise,  because  they  tend  to 
equalize  the  blessings  and  privileges  of  a  free  government — to  spread  information 
before  the  whole  people  in  the  cheapest  form,  and  thereby  enable  them  to  judge 
correctly  of  the  conduct  of  their  rulers. 

The  items  mentioned  under  the  last  head,  amount  to  the  round  sum  of  $60,000. 
This  is  a  large  sum;  and  we  are  free  to  admit  that  the  wheels  of  government 
could  go  on  without  one  dollar  of  this  expenditure.  We  could  demolish  the  in¬ 
stitutions  for  the  insane,  the  blind,  the  deaf; — we  could  give  up  our  watchful  care 
of  the  banks  and  institutions  for  savings, — we  could  let  the  ship-wrecked  mariner 
perish  upon  our  shores, — we  could  curtail  our  State  printing,  and  so  leave  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  ignorant  of  the  doings  of  their  agents — we  could  do  all 
this,  and  save  some  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  dollars  annually,  and  our  government 
would  still  stand  and  we  should  remain  a  free  State.  But  the  question  after  all  is, 
whether  this  would  be  wise — whether  it  would  be  economical.  Towns  might  save 
half  of  their  expenses,  by  leaving  their  roads  unrepaired,  their  schools  neglected, 
and  their  poor  to  suffer — but  the  man  who  should  recommend  such  a  policy  in 
any  town,  would  receive  the  censure  and  reprobation  of  every  enlightened  citizen.. 
Precisely  the  same  remarks  will  apply  to  the  State.  It  may  save  expenses — but  it 
would  be  done  at  the  expense  of  justice  aud  humanity. 

SALARIES. 

On  no  subject  are  the  self-styled  Democrats  more  clamorous  than  on  that  of  sal¬ 
aries.  They  assert  that  the  salaries  are  higher  in  this  State  than  in  our  sister 
States — and  they  more  than  intimate,  that,  if  they  come  into  power,  they  will  re¬ 
duce  them.  The  subject  of  salaries  is  one  which  merits  serious  consideration.  A 
salary  ought  to  be  placed  so  high,  as  to  command  men  of  talents  and  character. 
Take  the  salary  of  Governor  in  this  Commonwealth  ;  it  is  $3,666.  We  venture  to 
say  that  no  man,  who  has  been  elected  Governor  in  this  State,  for  the  last  twenty 
years,  has  been  a  gainer,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  by  his  election.  Their  ex¬ 
penses  have  been  increased,  and  their  income  has  been  less  than  it  would  have 
been,  if  they  had  followed  their  usual  profession  or  calling.  We  are  told,  that  if 
the  salary  was  half  this  sum  we  should  find  enough  who  would  accept  the  office. 
We  grant  it — and  we  go  further  and  say,  that  if  there  was  no  salary  attached^  to 
the  office,  we  could  find  men  who  would  accept  it  merely  for  the  honor.  W  ho 
would  accept  such  an  office  1  Not  the  poor  man — he  could  not  afford  it.  None 
but  the  rich — none  but  those  who  possess  fortunes  could  take  an  office  with  no  sal¬ 
ary,  or  with  an  incompetent  one.  Wre  contend  for  equality  ;  we  wish  to  have 
special  reference  to  the  poor  and  the  middle  classes  in  point  of  property.  If  they 
possess  talents  and  character,  we  wish  to  see  them,  above  all  others,  in  offices  of 
honor  and  profit ; — and,  consequently,  we  wish  to  have  salaries  so  ample,  that  the 
poor  man  can  afford  to  give  up  his  business,  and  take  an  office,  without  bringing 
his  family  to  penury,  distress  and  want. 


7 


The  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  receives  a  salary  of  $3,500,  and  the 
Associate  Justices  $3000.  The  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas  receives 
$2,100,  and  his  Associates  $1,800.  These,  at  first  view,  may  appear  large — but 
what  men  do  these  offices  require  ?  The  property,  the  rights,  the  characters,  the 
lives  of  our  people,  are,  in  a  sense,  in  the  hands  of  our  Courts — and  the  public  in¬ 
terest  requires  that  the  bench  should  be  filled  with  men  of  the  first  talent,  and  the 
highest  integrity.  We  want  for  Judges,  some  of  the  best,  the  most  eminent  law¬ 
yers  in  the  community  ;  and  the  professional  labors  of  such  gentlemen  are  general¬ 
ly  worth  much  more  than  the  salaries  they  receive  when  placed  upon  the  bench. 

There  is  another  test  of  these  salaries,  which  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to  the  com¬ 
munity.  It  is  no  less  true,  for  being  a  common  remark,  that  private  individuals 
manage  thejr  affairs  more  prudently  than  the  government.  Now  the  agents  in 
many  of  our  manufacturing  establishments — establishments  got  up  for  the  express 
purpose  of  making  money,  receive  a  larger  compensation  than  the  Governor  or 
Judges  of  the  Commonwealth.  If  our  money-making  institutions  find  it  for  their 
pecuniary  interest  to  give  such  salaries  as  will  command  the  best  talents,  may  not 
the  State  imitate  their  wise  example,  without  being  thought  extravagant  ?  It  is 
not  true,  that  our  salaries  are  higher  than  the  salaries  in  other  States,  similarly  sit¬ 
uated.  The  salary  of  the  Governor  of  New  York  is  $4000,  and  he  is  chosen  for 
two  years, — the  salary  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  is  $4000,  and  he  is  chosen 
for  three  years — the  salary  of  the  Governor  of  Maryland  is  $4200,  and  he  is  chosen 
for  three  years.  The  States  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  are  larger  than  Mas¬ 
sachusetts,  but  the  State  of  Maryland  is  much  less.  The  Governors  in  these 
States  are  chosen  for  a  longer  period  than  the  Governor  in  our  own  State — a  cir¬ 
cumstance  which  should  reduce  the  salary.  Besides,  the  Governor  of  Maryland, 
if  not  of  the  other  States,  has  a  house  furnished  for  him  at  the  expense  of  the 
State.  The  Governor  of  Virginia  receives  about  $300  less  than  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts — but  he  has  a  house  furnished  him  at  public  charge.  Georgia  with 
a  population  less  than  that  of  Massachusetts,  gives  her  Governor  $4000;  and 
South  Carolina  and  Alabama  $3500  each  ;  and  Louisiana,  with  a  population  of 
less  than  half  that  of  our  own  State,  gives  her  Governor  $7,500 — being  more  than 
double  the  salary  established  by  law  in  this  State.  The  Governors  of  all  the 
Southern  States  are  chosen  for  the  period  of  from  two  to  four  years. 

From  this  comparison  of  salaries,  it  does  not  appear  that  those  of  this  Common¬ 
wealth  are  extravagant.  It  is  also  worthy  of  remark,  that  in  many  of  the  States, 
the  public  officers  have  perquisites,  by  fees  or  otherwise,  their  salaries  being  in  fact 
but  a  part  of  their  income.  Who  then  are  those  who  complain  of  the  salaries  of 
this  Commonwealth  ?  They  are  those  who  have  practiced  the  greatest  extrava¬ 
gance  in  the  National  Administration.  The  Post  Office  in  Boston  and  New  York, 
the  Custom  Houses  in  our  principal  cities,  the  District  Attorneyships  in  some  of 
the  Districts,  have,  in  some  cases,  yielded  twice — nay,  ten  times  as  much  as  the  of¬ 
fice  of  Governor  or  Judge  in  this  State — and  these  enormous  salaries  were  reduced 
only  by  the  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Whigs  in  Congress. 

With  what  grace  can  those  who  have  been  thus  prodigal,  when  in  power,  pre¬ 
tend  that  they  are  the  friends  of  economy  ?  They  frequently  refer  us,  in  this 
Commonwealth,  to  the  years  1824  and  1825,  when  Eustis  was  Governor,  and  Mor¬ 
ton  Lt.  Governor,  as  the  days  of  prosperity  and  economy.  Then,  they  say,  we 
were  in  a  majority,  and  the  affairs  of  the  Commonwealth  were  wisely  managed. 
What  were  the  salaries  at  that  time?  The  Governor  and  Judges,  together  with 
the  principal  officers,  received  the  same  then,  as  they  do  at  present.  If  they  were 
too  high,  why  did  they  not  reduce  them?  There  was  one  reason  at  that  time, 
which  does  not  exist  at  present.  Produce  and  all  articles  of  living  were  then  com¬ 
paratively  cheap — and  a  salary  which  was  barely  sufficient  then,  would  be  incom¬ 
petent  now.  Still  they  made  no  reduction.  In  fact  some  of  the  salaries  at  that 
time,  or  rather  the  income  of  some  of  the  officers,  such  as  Sheriffs  and  Clerks  of 
Courts,  had  become  unreasonably  large,  and  it  was  not  till  after  the  reign  of  Eustis 
and  Morton,  that  they  were  reduced. 


8 


COMPARATIVE  EXPENSES  OF  DIFFERENT  PERIODS. 


The  Party  now  laboring  to  gain  the  ascendency  in  this  Commonwealth,  by  hol¬ 
low  proffers  of  economy  and  retrenchment,  frequently  refer  us  to  the  administra¬ 
tion  of  Governor  Eustis  in  1824  and  1825.  We  do  not  doubt  the  patriotism  or 
the  true  republicanism  of  Governor  Eustis  ;  and  we  believe,  if  he  were  alive  in 
these  days,  he  would  disown  those  who  claim  political  kindred  with  him — but,  as 
they  boast  of  the  affinity,  let  us  compare  the  expenses  of  his  Administration  with 
the  expenses  of  those  who  came  after  him.  We  have  no  disposition  to  conceal 
the  fact,  that  our  expenditures  have  increased  since  that  period  ;  but  we  believe 
that  this  increase  of  expenditure  can  easily  be  accounted  for,  and  can  be  shown 
to  be  wise,  and  even  economical.  We  have  no  disposition  to  conceal  a  single  fact 
in  relation  to  this  subject — on  the  contrary,  we  think  the  people  have  a  right  to 
know  the  true  state  of  the  case.  By  examining  the  subject,  they  will  at  once  per¬ 
ceive  that  many  new  causes  of  expenditure  have  arisen,  and  that  many  of  the  old 
causes  have  increased,  and  that  too  without  any  agency  of  the  ruling  party. 

But  let  us  compare  the  expenditures  of  Governor  Eustis  and  acting  Governor 
Morton,  in  1824  and  1825,  with  the  expenses  of  Governer  Lincoln  in  1826  and 
1827. 


In  1824  the  expenditures  were  $237,781 

1825  “  “  218,621 

Total,  $456,402 

In  1826  the  expenditures  were  $252,297 

1827  “  “  293,633 


Total,  $545,930 

Here  is  an  excess  of  $89,528  in  the  expenditures  of  1826  and  1827  over  those 
of  1824  and  1825.  From  these  data,  it  has  been  affirmed  that  Gov.  Lincoln’s  Ad¬ 
ministration  is  chargeable  with  extravagance — but  a  brief  view  of  the  subject  will 
show  that  the  inference  is  unjust.  Up  to  1824,  inclusive,  the  towns  were  re¬ 
quired  to  reimburse  the  State  treasury  the  sum  paid  for  the  attendance  of  their 
Representatives  ;  and,  in  that  year,  the  Treasurer  received,  as  reimbursement,  the 
sum  of  $16,990.  The  principle  being  established,  in  1825,  that  the  Representa¬ 
tives  should  be  paid  out  of  the  public  chest,  the  number  of  Representatives  at  once 
increased  rapidly,  and  to  this  circumstance  the  increase  of  expenditures  is  to  be 
mainly  ascribed,  as  will  be  seen  below. 

In  1824  the  pay  of  the  Senate  and  House  was  $36,727  ;  in  1825,  it  was  $36,- 
603  73,330.  Of  this  sum  of  $73,330,  the  towns  reimbursed  the  Treasury 
$16,990,  leaving  the  total  expense  of  the  Senate  and  House  for  1824  and  1825, 
paid  by  the  State,  $56,340. 

The  expense  to  fhe  State,  for  the  Senate  and  House,  in  the  two  succeeding 
years,  was  as  follows  :  In  1826,  $49,131  ;  in  1827,  $69,737  $118,868.  If  we 

deduct  $56,340,  the  sum  paid  for  the  Senate  and  House  in  1824  and  1825,  from 
$1 18,868.,  the  sum  paid  for  the  Senate  and  House  in  1826  and  1827,  it  will 
leave  a  balance  of  $62,528 — which,  in  fact  reduces  the  expenses  of  Gov.  Lin¬ 
coln’s  Administration  down  to  a  sum  which  exceeds  Gov.  Eustis’  two  years  only 
$27,000. 

Here  then  we  have  a  balance  against  Gov.  Lincoln  of  $27,000.  How  is  this  to 
be  accounted  for  ?  The  sum  paid  for  the  support  of  State  paupers  in  1824  and 
1825  was  $88,900  ;  in  1826  and  1827  it  was  $102,608 ;  being  a  difference  of$13,- 
708  ;  this  deducted  from  the  $27,000,  leaves  $13,292.  The  sum  paid  for  County 
balances  in  1824  and  1825  was  $34,472;  but  in  1826  and  1827  it  amounted  to 
$52,844,  being  an  excess  of  $18,372.  Deduct  from  this  the  $13,292  and  you 
have  a  balance  in  favor  of  Gov.  Lincoln  of  $5,080.  The  expenditures  thus  far 
are  of  such  a  character  that  the  Administration  could  have  no  control  over  them. 
The  size  of  the  House,  the  number  of  State  paupers,  the  amount  of  County  balan¬ 
ces,  are  expenses  which  no  administration  could  guard  against  ;  and  from  these 


i 


\ 


1 


*. 


£ 


9 


causes  alone,  we  have  reduced  the  expense  of  Gov.  Lincoln’s  two  years,  $5,080 
below  the  two  years  of  Gov.  Eustis — years  which  have  been  selected  as  models. 

Besides  all  this,  there  were  expenditures  under  Gov.  Lincoln  of  a  benevolent 
and  democratic  character,  far  exceeding  those  under  Gov.  Eustis.  For  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  deaf  and  dumb,  and  to  encourage  agricultural  societies,  Gov.  Lincoln, 
during  his  first  two  years,  paid  the  sum  of  $18,919,  being  $5,986  more  than  Gov. 
Eustis  paid  for  the  same  objects.  If  this  be  added  to  the  $5,080  mentioned  above, 
we  have  a  balance  against  Gov.  Eustis  of  $11, 066;  and  further,  Gov.  Lincoln  paid 
a  considerable  sum  to  defray  the  expense  of  a  Board  of  Commissioners,  to  survey 
a  route  for  a  canal  from  the  city  of  Boston  to  the  Hudson  river— a  Board  created 
by  Gov.  Eustis,  but  whose  labors  and  expenditures  fell  within  Gov.  Lincoln’s  Ad¬ 
ministration. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen,  that  Gov.  Eustis’  superior  economy  vanishes  the  moment  it 
is  examined.  How  did  Gov.  Eustis,  and  acting  Governor  Morton,  obtain  the 
means  to  defray  the  expense  of  their  Administration  ?  By  a  direct  tax  upon  the 
people  !  The  Treasurer’s  account  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1824,  shows 
that  the  receipts  from  this  source  amounted  to  $92,699,  and  the  following  year  to 
$95,447,  making  a  total  for  the  two  years  of  $187,146  of  direct  tax  upon  the  peo¬ 
ple  ;  while  under  the  first  two  years  of  Gov.  Lincoln’s  Administration  no  direct 
tax  was  imposed  !  We  will  mention  one  item  of  receipts  under  Gov.  Eustis, 
which  the  people  at  this  day  would  not  tolerate.  We  mention  it,  not  because  the 
amount  is  considerable,  but  because  it  casts  light  upon  our  whole  subject.  In  the 
Treasurer’s  account  for  1824,  we  find  the  following  among  the  receipts  :  “  Fines 
imposed  on  certain  towns  for  neglecting  to  choose  and  send  Representatives  to 
the  General  Court,  in  the  year  1823,  $400.” 

It  will  be  seen,  by  this  item,  that  under  the  operation  of  the  old  reimbursement 
laws,  towns  had  a  strong  motive  not  to  send  representatives— and  it  is  a  fact  that, 
where  they  did  send  them,  merely  to  avoid  a  fine,  there  was  a  sort  of  understand¬ 
ing  with  the  Representative,  that  he  would  make  the  town  but  little  expense,  by 
leaving  as  early  as  possible.  This  principle  operated  to  that  extent,  that  the 
House  was  frequently  reduced  below  sixty,  the  constitutioual  quorum;  and  they 
were  compelled  to  send  a  precept  to  bring  members  back,  that  the  House  might 
be  enabled  to  transact  business.  Since  1825,  the  Representatives  have  been  paid 
from  the  State  treasury,  and  the  consequence  has  been,  that  the  number  of  Repre¬ 
sentatives  has  greatly  increased,  and  they  have  generally  attended  through  the 
session.  The  effect  will  be  seen  from  the  fact  that,  from  1822  to  1825  inclusive, 
the  number  of  Representatives  amounted,  on  an  average,  to  only  227,  while,  in 
the  four  next  succeeding  years,  they  averaged  363,  and  in  the  eight  next  succeed¬ 
ing,  556. 

This  large  increase  of  the  popular  branch  has  been  the  principal  cause  of  the 
increase  of  expenditures.  Who  is  responsible  for  this  ?  Not  the  Administration, 
but  the  towns  themselves.  There  has  been  no  fining  towns  since  the  days  of 
Gov.  Eustis.  They  fix  the  number,  and  hence  cannot  complain,  if  the  expenses 
increase.  There  has  also  been  an  increase  of  population  and  business,  and  this, 
of  course,  will  increase  the  expenditures.  Our  Government  has  been  more  pater¬ 
nal  and  democratic  than  it  formerly  was,  and  provides  better  for  the  wants  of  its 
citizens.  Almost  every  change  in  our  laws  tends  to  relieve  the  poor,  and  befriend 
the  unfortunate.  These  laws  are  truly  wise  and  benevolent,  but  they  serve  to  in¬ 
crease  State  expenses.  We  will  notice  some  items  in  our  expenses,  and  show  how 
they  have  increased  from  time  to  time. 

COUNTY  BALANCES. 

These  have  become  a  large  drain  upon  the  Treasury.  They  are  the  excess  of 
the  cost  of  criminal  justice  in  several  counties  over  the  fines  that  are  collected,  and 
hence  have  no  connection  with  any  political  party. 

% 


10 


In  1825  they  amounted  to  only  $17,247 

In  1830  they  came  up  to  30,246 

In  1835,  “  “  “  45,109 

In  1840,  “  "  “  64,236 


Here  is  an  increase,  in  fifteen  years,  of  $46,989,  and  in  some  of  the  years  inter¬ 
mediate  between  1835  and  1840,  these  balances  were  several  thousands  higher. 
This  increase  arises  from  two  causes,  over  one  of  which  the  Administration  can 
have  no  control — to  wit,  the  increase  of  criminal  business.  If  crimes  multiply 
with  our  population,  are  the  Whigs  chargeable  with  the  expense  ?  If  the  influx 
of  foreigners  introduces  vice,  is  this  vice  to  go  unpunished,  through  fear  that  it 
detain  the  court  and  multiply  expenses  ? 

The  second  cause  of  the  increase  is  one  for  which  the  dominant  party  is  respon¬ 
sible,  and  one  which  redounds  to  their  credit.  Up  to  1835,  jurors  were  allowed 
but  $1,25  per  day,  and  6  cents  per  mile  for  travel.  When  the  statutes  were  re¬ 
vised,  the  pay  of  jurors  was  brought  up  to  $1,75  per  day,  and  the  travel  from  6  to 
8  cents  per  mile.  This,  of  course,  has  increased  the  cost  of  criminal  justice — 
but  was  this  increase  of  jurors’  compensation  unreasonable  ?  Let  those  who  have 
been  drawn  suddenly  from  their  homes  to  serve  on  a  jury,  answer.  One  dollar 
and  seventy-five  cents  a  day  cannot  be  considered  extravagant.  The  act  of  increas¬ 
ing  the  pay  was  a  mere  act  of  justice — it  was  democratic,  inasmuch  as  it  relieved 
a  large  class  in  the  community,  most  of  whom  were  from  the  common  walks  of 
life.  For  this  portion  of  the  increase  of  County  balances,  the  Administration  are 
responsible — and  they  are  willing  to  be  judged  by  their  fellow-citizens  for  this  act 
of  common  justice. 

MILITIA  SERVICES. 

We  have  remarked  before  that  the  pay  of  our  Militia  was  peculiar  to  this  Com¬ 
monwealth.  This  is  of  recent  origin — it  commenced  in  1834,  though  the  first  pay¬ 
ment  fell  within  the  next  year — and,  from  that  time  up  to  the  close  of  last  year, 
there  has  been  paid  the  sum  of  $137,392.  Is  this  an  extravagant  expenditure? 
The  opponents  of  the  Administration  dare  not  assail  it.  The  measure  of  paying 
the  Militia  was  called  for  by  the  people.  The  measure  is  right  in  itself — but  still, 
it  has  drawn  from  the  Treasury  nearly  $140,000,  and  has  contributed  so  much  to 
the  present  indebtedness  of  the  State,  and,  by  a  standing  law,  $35,000  annually  is 
set  apart  for  that  object. 

EXPENSES  OF  THE  LEGISLATURE. 

We  have  already  said  that  the  size  of  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been  a 
great  cause  of  the  increase  of  State  expenses.  In  the  days  of  Governor  Eustis, 
when  the  Representatives  were  paid  by  the  towns,  the  expense  was  inconsiderable, 
but  since  they  have  been  paid  from  the  public  chest,  the  number  has  increased  rap¬ 
idly,  and  the  expense  in  proportion.  The  increase  of  our  population  has  also  con¬ 
tributed  to  swell  the  size  of  the  House — and  I  think  it  will  not  be  imputed  as  a 
fault,  to  the  dominant  party  in  this  Commonwealth,  that  they  have  administered 
the  Government  so  as  to  produce  that  state  of  prosperity  which  has  kept  our  popu¬ 


lation  at  home,  and  our  business  increasing. 

In  1825  the  expenses  of  the  Senate  and  House  was  $36,603 

In  1830,  “  “  “  “  82,445 

In  1835,  “  “  “  “  178,736 

In  1840,  “  “  “  “  96,397 


Here  is  a  great  increase  in  the  expense  of  our  Legislature.  The  table  above, 
however,  does  not  give  a  fair  representation  of  the  expenses  of  that  department,  as 
the  expense  in  1835  was  increased  by  the  extra  session,  called  to  revise  the  Statues, 
and  the  expense  of  1840  lessened  by  an  alteration  of  the  Constitution,  which  re¬ 
duced  the  number  of  Representatives.  A  more  correct  view  of  this  part  of  the  sub¬ 
ject  can  be  formed  by  the  fact,  that  there  has  been  paid,  since  1825,  for  the  Senate 


and  House,  over  and  above  $36,603  annually,  the  aggregate  sum  of  $976,288,  that 
is,  the  expenses  of  the  Senate  and  House  since  1825,  have,  on  an  average,  been 
nearly  three  times  as  much  as  they  were  that  year. 

The  number  of  Representatives  has  more  than  doubled  since  1825.  Is  this  to 
be  charged  to  the  Whigs  ?  The  Democratic  party,  as  they  style  themselves,  have 
contributed  at  least  their  share  to  swell  the  size  of  the  House.  They  have  availed 
themselves  of  their  constutional  privilege  of  sending  their  quota  of  Representatives. 
Nay,  they  have  not  been  willing  to  abide  by  the  Constitution,  but  have,  in  one  case 
at  least,  chosen  Representatives  after  the  constitutional  period  had  expired.  The 
course  pursued  by  the  party  in  the  Legislature  shows  that  they  were  desirous  of 
swelling  the  size  of  the  House.  It  was  declared,  by  one  of  their  leading  members, 
that  we  ought  to  go  behind  the  Constitution,  and  retain  these  members  on  the  nat¬ 
ural  rights  of  the  towns  ! 

The  Whigs  have  labored  hard  to  reduce  this  branch  of  expenditure — and  have 
twice  within  ten  years,  altered  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  reduce  the  number  of 
Representatives.  By  these  and  other  efforts,  they  have  succeeded  in  reducing  the 
expenses  of  the  Legislature.  This  item,  in  1837,  1838,  and  1839,  amounted,  on 
an  average  to  $127,939  per  year — while  in  1840  and  1841,  it  amounted  on  an 
average  to  only  $81,751  per  year,  a  clear  saving  of  $46,000  annually. 

One  of  the  most  ridiculous  complaints  of  extravagance  relates  to  the  Board  of 
Education.  From  the  hue  and  cry  which  has  been  raised,  we  might  naturally  in¬ 
fer  that  thousands  upon  thousands  had  been  paid  to  that  Board — but,  by  official 
documents,  it  appears  that  the  whole  sum  paid  to  that  Board,  up  to  the  close  of 
1840,  is  only  $561,85 — and,  during-  the  last  year,  they  received  no  more  than 
$79,52  !  When  we  consider  that  this  Board  consists  of  eight  members,  and  has 
been  in  existence  some  five  years,  it  will  not  be  thought  extravagant,  that  their  ex¬ 
penses  (for  they  receive  nothing  for  their  time)  should  amount  to  the  trifling  sum 
of  $561. 

EXTRA  EXPENDITURES. 

Within  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years,  there  have  been  several  heavy  expenditures 
for  objects  valuable  in  themselves,  which  will  not,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  soon 
occur  again.  The  Lunatic  Hospital  cost  over  $100,000.  Unless  it  should  be  de¬ 
stroyed  by  fire,  or  some  other  calamity,  it  will  not  need  rebuilding.  This  expen¬ 
diture  was  so  just  and  wise,  that  no  one,  who  has  any  regard  for  his  character, 
dares  to  raise  his  voice  against  it.  The  Revision  of  the  Statutes,  including  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  the  extra  session,  cost  $100,000  more.  This  measure,  again,  was  purely 
democratic  in  its  character,  for  it  brought  our  laws  into  such  a  shape  as  to  render 
them  intelligible  to  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  Then  comes  the  new  State 
Prison,  the  building  of  which  was  called  for,  both  by  justice  and  humanity.  This 
cost  some  $60,000.  Under  this  head  we  may  justly  mention  $57,000  expended 
for  an  Astronomical  and  Trigonometrical  survey  of  the  State,  and  for  the  construc¬ 
tion  of  a  Map.  When  we  consider  that  we  have  no  Map  of  the  State,  which  is 
even  tolerably  correct,  no  reasonable  man  will  say  that  the  object  of  these  surveys 
was  unwise — and  though  our  political  opponents  have  attempted  to  show  that  these 
expenses  have  been  extravagantly  large,  we  hazard  nothing  in  saying  that  the 
same  amount  of  labor  bestowed  upon  the  Coast  Survey  of  the  United  States,  carried 
on  for  the  last  half  dozen  years,  by  the  same  Democratic  party,  has  cost  at  least 
twice  that  sum. 

To  these  sums,  we  may  add  $12,000  for  a  Small  Pox  Hospital  in  Boston  Har¬ 
bor  ;  $15,000  appropriated  for  surveys  made  for  the  purposes  of  internal  im¬ 
provements,  and  some  6  or  $8,000  for  collecting,  arranging  and  publishing  an  edi¬ 
tion  of  the  special  laws,  from  1822  to  1837.  These  expenses  are  all  wise  and 
proper  in  themselves.  They  were  incurred  for  objects  worthy  of  the  attention  of 


12 


the  State,  but  they  were  all  special  objects  which  will  not,  from  the  nature  of  the 


case,  be  likely  to  occur  again.  Here  then  we  have  : 

For  the  Lunatic  Hospital, 

$100,000 

For  Revising  the  Statutes, 

100,000 

For  the  new  State  Prison, 

60,000 

State  Surveys  for  a  Map, 

57,000 

For  Small  Pox  Hospital, 

12,000 

For  Surveys  for  Internal  Improvements, 

15,000 

For  publishing  the  Special  Laws,  say 

6,000 

Making  the  round  sum  of 

$350,000 

for  special  objects  which  are  not  of  annual  occurrence.  These  do  not  come  in  to 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government,  and  if  we  had  pursued  a  niggardly  poli¬ 
cy,  and  left  undone  these  things,  which  we  in  fact  were  bound  to  do,  we  should 
have  had  money  in  the  treasury  at  the  present  time. 

This  is  not  all.  We  have,  within  the  last  ten  years,  set  apart  $450,000  for  a 
School  Fund  ;  $281 ,000  of  this  sum  was  received  from  the  United  States,  for 
Militia  services  during  the  late  war,  and  ought  not  in  justice  to  be  taken  into  this 
account,  but  the  residue  $169,000  has  been  taken  from  the  avails  of  eastern 
lands,  that  is,  out  of  the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  State.  If  the  $169,000  set  apart 
for  a  School  Fund,  from  the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  Government,  be  added  to  the 
$350,000,  mentioned  above,  we  have  the  round  sum  of  more  than  half  a  million, 
taken  from  the  ordinary  revenue,  and  expended  for  valuable  objects,  which  will 
not  occur  again  for  many  years  to  come. 

We  allow  that  our  expenditures  liave  increased  for  the  last  ten  years,  but  we 
have  shown  the  causes  of  this  increase,  and  we  trust  it  will  appear  that  this  in¬ 
crease  of  expenditure  has  been  wise,  and  such  as  an  enlightened  Government 
would  approve.  After  all,  the  State  expenditures  have  not  increased  with  its 
means  of  meeting  them.  Our  State  valuation  has  advanced  in  a  greater  ratio, 
within  ten  years,  than  our  expenditures.  If  we  were  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
direct  taxation,  our  State  expenses  would  be  less  burdensome  now  than  they  were 
ten  years  ago. 

STATE  TAXES. 

From  the  establishment  of  the  government,  up  to  1825,  we  had  an  annual  State  j 
tax  of  from  $100,000  to  200,000,  to  defray  the  ordinary  expenditures  of  the 
Government.  From  that  period  to  the  present,  though  there  have  been  special 
expenditures  for  extraordinary  objects,  a  State  Tax  has  hardly  been  known.  From 
1815  to  1825,  the  State  tax  would  average  $137,000  annually.  From  1825  to 
1842,  a  period  of  17  years,  we  have  had  but  three  State  Taxes  of  $75,000  each — 
which,  if  averaged  over  that  period,  would  make  but  $13,000  annually.  If  we 
had  continued  the  State  Tax  as  it  was  up  to  1825,  we  could  have  met  all  the  ordinary 
and  extraordinary  expenditures,  and  should  have  had  at  this  moment  in  the  treas¬ 
ury  nearly  two  millions  of  dollars.  Let  the  intelligent  people  of  the  Common¬ 
wealth  understand  this — and  instead  of  complaining,  they  will  laud  the  prudence 
and  economy  of  their  Government. 

STATE  SCRIP.  1 

It  was  our  intention  to  have  given  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  all  our  liabilities  in 
consequence  of  Scrip,  loaned  to  the  different  Rail-Road  Corporations— but  we  re¬ 
gard  it  as  unnecessary.  The  amount  of  business  done  on  the  several  roads,  is  the 
best  guaranty  that  they  will  redeem  their  Scrip  long  before  it  falls  due.  In  fact, 
the  Lowell  and  Nashua  Rail  Road  Corporation,  which  received  $50,000  of  State 
Scrip,  have  redeemed  it,  already — some  six  years  before  it  was  due.  The  New 
Bedford  and  Taunton  Company,  which  received  $100,000,  have  already  returned 


one  half  of  it,  and  will  return  the  other  half  in  the  course  of  the  year,  being  some 
dozen  years  before  it  was  redeemable.  The  remaining  Scrip  is  situated  as  follows  : 
$500,000  has  been'loaned  to  the  Eastern  Rail  Road — this  is  payable  in  1857  and 
1859.  The  interest  on  this  sum  is  $25,000 — and  the  net  income  of  their  road  for 
the  last  year,  was  more  than  three  times  that  sum.  There  has  been  loaned  to  the 
Norwich  and  Worcester  Rail  Road  Corporation  $400,000,  payable  in  1857.  The 
interest  on  this  loan  is  $20,000 — and  their  income,  the  last  year,  though  their  road 
had  been  open  only  a  part  of  the  year,  was  $64,000 — being  more  than  three  times 
the  interest  on  the  loan.  The  Boston  and  Portland  Corporation  have  $150,000  of 
State  Scrip,  payable  as  before.  The  interest  on  this  sum  is  $7,500 — and  their  net 
earnings  the  last  year,  though  the  road  was  but  partially  opened,  was  $14,800 — 
nearly  twice  the  amount  of  their  interest.  The  income  here  spoken  of  is  the  in¬ 
come  in  addition  to  the  interest. 

When  we  consider  that  these  Roads,  with  all  their  property  and  income,  are  pledged 
as  security  to  the  State,  we  can  have  no  doubt  that  they  will  redeem  the  Scrip  long 
before  it  falls  due.  In  fact,  if  we  were  to  look  only  to  the  revenue  of  the  State ,  we 
should  rejoice  if  these  Corporations  would  permit  their  property  to  be  forfeited  to 
the  State.  This  would  furnish  us  with  a  revenue  which  would  fill  our  treasury 
at  once. 

The  only  remaining  instance  of  State  Scrip,  granted  to  a  Railroad  Corporation, 
is  that  of  the  Western  Rail  Road.  No  man,  who  is  acquainted  with  the  vast  re¬ 
sources  of  the  Great  West,  to  which  it  leads,  and  the  amount  of  business  which  it 
must  bring  into  our  own  Commonwealth,  can  doubt,  for  a  moment,  its  importance 
to  us  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view.  The  road  as  far  as  it  has  been  opened,  has 
prospered  even  beyond  the  expectation  of  its  most  sanguine  friends — and  the  Cor¬ 
poration  will  unquestionably  be  able,  before  the  Scrip  falls  due,  to  redeem  every 
dollar  of  it.  Instead,  therefore,  of  repining  at  the  noble  and  generous  policy  pur¬ 
sued  by  this  State,  on  the  subject  of  internal  improvements,  every  citizen  has  reason 
to  be  proud  of  Massachusetts.  While  the  neighboring  State  of  New  Hampshire, 
spell-bound  by  Locofocoism,  has  remained  idle — and  suffered  her  resources  to  lie 
dormant,  and  her  population  to  emigrate  to  the  West — Massachusetts,  true  to  her 
own  interest,  has  lent  a  helping  hand,  and  enabled  private  corporations  to  open  av¬ 
enues  from  every  quarter,  to  her  Capital.  The  effect  of  this  policy  will  be  appre¬ 
ciated,  in  the  fact  that,  during  the  last  ten  years,  our  population  has  increased 
127,000,  while  that  of  New  Hampshire  has  increased  but  15,000 — and  even  that 
has  been  brought  about  by  Massachusetts  enterprize  and  Massachusetts  capital. 

PRESENT  STATE  DEBT. 

By  an  examination  of  the  Treasurer’s  Reports,  it  appears  that  we  have,  at  pres¬ 
ent,  a  State  Debt  of  nearly  $300,000 — which  falls  due  in  1842 — to  redeem  which, 
is  pledged  the  sum  due  from  the  general  Government,  for  militia  services.  Is  there 
any  thing  alarming  in  this  debt?  It  is  true  that,  while  the  party  which  raise  the 
alarm  were  in  power  in  Congress,  they  wilfully  refused  to  pay  us  our  just  due — 
but  now  that  they  are  driven  from  the  places  they  dishonored,  we  have  no  doubt 
that  the  voice  of  justice  will  be  heard,  and  that  payment  will  be  made.  We  have 
other  means  in  prospect,  which,  will,  in  a  short  period,  wipe  out  what  little  of  in¬ 
debtedness  attaches  to  our  State.  By  the  recent  act  of  a  Whig  Congress,  the  pro¬ 
ceeds  of  the  Public  Lands  are  to  be  divided  among  the  States.  At  a  moderate  es¬ 
timate,  the  share  which  will  fall  to  Massachusetts,  will  amount  to  $150,000  annu¬ 
ally.  This,  of  itself,  in  the  brief  period  of  two  years,  will  be  sufficient  to  pay  our 
whole  debt.  Where  then  is  the  occasion  for  alarm  ?  With  what  propriety  can 
that  party  complain,  which,  in  the  Government  of  the  nation,  have  always  refused 
us  our  just  due — have  withheld  from  us  what  we  had  long  since  expended,  and 
kept  back,  from  all  the  States,  their  just  share  of  the  income  of  the  public  domain  ? 


14 


THE  EXPENDITURES  OF  THE  PRESENT  YEAR. 

We  have  not  had  the  annual  Report  of  the  Treasurer — and  of  course,  cannot 
speak  of  all  the  items — but  we  know  that  the  pay  roll  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  the  last  session,  amounted  to  only  $67,106,  being  $29,000  less 
than  the  same  item  for  1840,  and  $43,000  less  than  that  of  1839.  Several  other 
items  will,  we  have  reason  to  believe,  be  considerably  reduced — so  that  we  hazard 
nothing  in  saying  that  the  revenue  will  fully  meet  the  expenditures,  the  present 
year — and  this  too,  at  a  time  when  the  revenue  is  diminishing.  What  then  have 
we  to  fear?  A  direct  tax  ?  No.  We  have  ample  means  in  our  hands,  and  in 
prospect,  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  State  ;  to  pay  off  the  debt  we  owe  ;  and,  in  a 
few  years,  to  have  a  large  sum  to  add  to  the  School  Fund,  or  to  appropriate  to  some 
other  valuable  purpose — and  this  without  imposing  a  single  dollar  of  burden  upon 
the  people. 

How  widely  different  is  this  from  the  view  given  by  the  self-styled  democratic 
members  ofthe  Legislature  in  their  address  to  the  People  !  They  predicted  that 
the  State  expenses,  this  year,  would  exceed  the  income  by  $88,000 — but  it  is  now  ( 
rendered  certain  that  the  revenue  will  equal  the  expenditure,  unless  something 
unforeseen  should  occur.  In  their  statement  of  State  liabilities,  in  relation  to 
the  Railroad  Corporations,  they  are  in  error  more  than  $1,000,000.  If  this  Docu¬ 
ment  was  not  already  longer  than  we  intended  it  should  have  been,  we  would  exam¬ 
ine  their  Address,  item  by  item,  and  show  that  it  is  a  tissue  of  mistakes  and  misrepre¬ 
sentations,  from  beginning  to  end.  We  will,  however,  notice  one  attempt  to  im¬ 
pose  upon  the  people,  contained  in  that  Address.  To  show  that  Gov.  Davis  has 
been  extravagant  in  administering  the  affairs  Of  the  government,  they  state,  on  the 
authority  of  a  letter  from  Gov.  Lincoln,  that  there  was,  in  1834,  a  clear  balance 
in  favor  of  the  Treasury  of  $408,336,  and  they  parade  this  sum,  with  an  evident 
intention  of  giving  the  impression  that  this  has  been  expended,  and  as  much 
more,  since  that  period,  over  and  above  the  ordinary  revenue.  The  fact  is,  that 
the  $408,000  then  on  hand,  was  set  apart  for  a  School  Fund,  and  that  sum  haa 
been  increased  since  that  period  to  $450,900,  by  adding  to  the  sum  then  on  hand, 
$42,575,  taken  from  what  had  formerly  been  the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  govern 
ment. 

CONCLUSION. 

We  are  now  about  to  close  the  remarks  we  had  to  make  upon  the  Expenditures 
of  this  Commonwealth.  We  have  seen  that  the  State  expenses  have  arisen,  in  a 
great  degree,  from  the  fact  that  many  charges  are  ordinarily  met,  from  our  State 
Treasury,  which,  in  other  States,  are  borne,  either  by  the  Counties,  or  Towns,  or 
are  paid  by  the  People,  in  the  shape  of  fees,  and  that,  for  the  last  eight  or  ten 
years,  we  have  expended  large  sums  for  objects  extraordinary  and  valuable  in 
themselves,  but  of  rare  occurrence.  We  have  further  seen  that  all  these  'expendi¬ 
tures  have  been  met,  without  any  tax  upon  the  People,  and  that,  by  the  extraordi¬ 
nary  economy  ofthe  past  year,  the  expenses  will  be  brought  within  the  revenue. 
Further,  it  is  quite  apparent  that  ample  means  are  now  at  the  disposal  of  the  State 
Government,  for  the  early  discharge  of  what  little  of  public  debt  it  owes,  and  that, 
instead  of  beirtg  under  the  necessity  of  calling  upon  the  People  in  the  shape  of 
taxes,  the  State,  will,  in  a  few  years,  be  in  the  possession  of  funds  which  will  ena¬ 
ble  it  to  increase  the  School  Fund,  or  apply  a  large  surplus  to  some  other  object 
beneficial  to  the  People. 

Upon  a  full  view  of  the  subject,  then,  we  can  most  cordially  congratulate  the 
Freemen  of  this  Commonwealth  upon  the  cheering  prospects  which  are  before  them. 
While  some  of  our  sister  States  have  been  acting  the  part  of  the  sluggard,  and  per¬ 
mitting  opportunities  to  pass  unimproved,  and  others  have  been  running  head¬ 
long  into  wild  extravagance,  which  has  involved  them  in  almost  irremediable  em- 


barrassment,  the  Old  Bay  State  has  pursued  the  golden  mean,  and  neither  fal¬ 
len  into  inexcusable  apathy,  on  the  one  hand,  nor  wild  speculation,  on  the  other. 
No  State  in  the  Union  is  in  a  more  prosperous  condition,  and  in  no  State  are  the 
burdens  lighter  upon  the  People.  For  the  last  eight  or  nine  years  there  has  been 
no  State  Tax,  and,  in  all  probability,  there  will  be  none,  for  many  years  to  come, 
a  fact  which  can  be  stated  of  but  very  few,  if  of  any,  of  our  sister  States. 

WHIGS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  !  can  you  contemplate  these  things,  with¬ 
out  emotions  of  pride  and  gratitude  ?  Of  pride,  at  the  prosperous  condition  of  our 
beloved  Commonwealth — and  of  gratitude,  to  those  who  have  so  wisely  and  so  pru¬ 
dently  conducted  her  public  affairs.  Entertaining  these  views,  and  impelled  by  these 
feelings,  you  must  look  with  disapprobation  and  pity  upon  those,  who  flatter  them¬ 
selves  that  they  can  obtain  political  ascendancy  by  hollow  pretensions  of  attach¬ 
ment  to  the  People,  and  deceptive  promises  of  a  more  wise  and  frugal  administra¬ 
tion  of  the  government.  You  have  seen  too  much  of  their  economy ,  to  be  willing 
to  have  it  practiced  in  this  Commonwealth.  You  have  felt  the  withering  effects  of 
their  experiments  too  sensibly,  to  wish  to  have  them  tried  in  our  own  State.  You 
have  seen  that  party  in  power — and  have  witnessed  their  manner  of  fulfilling  their 
promises  of  retrenchment  and  reform.  You  have  seen  them  enter  upon  the  admin¬ 
istration  of  the  National  Government,  with  the  country  prosperous  and  happy,  and 
you  have  seen  the  blighting  influence  of  their  policy.  You  have  seen  commerce 
wither,  manufactures  decline,  and  labor  defrauded  of  its  just  earnings,  under  their 
misrule.  You  have  seen  the  expenses  of  the  General  Government  trebled  by  these 
boasting  economists,  and  you  have  beheld  their  whole  system  of  measures  condemn¬ 
ed,  and  themselves  signally  rebuked  by  an  injured  and  indignant  People. 

Having  witnessed  all  these  things,  will  you  trust  them  with  political  power  in 
this  Commonwealth  ?  Will  you  dismiss  a  long  tried  and  most  faithful  public  ser¬ 
vant,  one  who  has  stood  by  the  State  and  the  Nation  in  the  hours  of  their  greatest 
peril,  one  who  has  plead  so  ably,  and  so  successfully,  for  the  laborer,  and  the  poor 
man,  and  take  to  your  bosoms,  in  his  stead,  an  individual,  who,  while  upon  the 
bench,  a  situation  which  should  raise  him  above  party  politics,  has  been  a  con¬ 
stant  aspirant  for  political  office,  and  permitted  his  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  Commonwealth  for  a  long  succession  of  years  ? 
We  trust  you  will  not.  You  know  the  honesty  of  JOHN  DAVIS,  and  the  fideli¬ 
ty  of  GEORGE  HULL  too  well  to  abandon  them  at  this  critical  period.'  You 
have  too  much  regard  for  the  interest  and  honor  of  our  ancient  Commonwealth, 
to  permit  her  to  fall  into  other  and  less  faithful  hands.  These,  we  are  persuaded, 
are  your  feelings  and  your  convictions.  GO,  THEN,  TO  THE  POLLS.  DO 
YOUR  DUTY  LIKE  MEN,  AND  THE  COMMONWEALTH  IS  SAFE. 

Published  by  order  of  the  Whig  State  Central  Committee. 

J.  P.  HEALY,  Secretary. 


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